📚 To What Extent Should the Constitutional Reforms Introduced Since 1997 Be Taken Further? | 1997年以来的宪法改革应在多大程度上继续推进？
Since 1997 the United Kingdom has experienced an unusually intense period of constitutional change, from devolution and the Human Rights Act to partial Lords reform and the creation of a Supreme Court. These reforms were not designed as a single coherent package, and many were deliberately left incomplete or capable of further development. The question is therefore not whether the pre-1997 constitution was perfect, but how far the reform process should now be extended. This essay argues that while significant further reform is desirable in specific areas such as the second chamber, the electoral system and the English dimension of devolution, a full constitutional revolution would risk destabilising the pragmatic flexibility that remains one of the UK system’s principal strengths.
自1997年以来，英国经历了一段异常密集的宪制变革时期，从权力下放和《人权法》，到部分上议院改革和最高法院的设立。这些改革并非作为一个单一连贯方案设计的，许多改革有意未完成或保留进一步发展的空间。因此，问题不在于1997年之前的宪法是否完美，而在于改革进程现在应推进到何种程度。本文认为，尽管在第二院、选举制度和权力下放的英格兰维度等具体领域进行重大的进一步改革是可取的，但一场全面的宪制革命可能会破坏务实灵活性这一英国体制的主要优势之一。
1. The 1997–2010 Reform Legacy | 1997–2010 年改革遗产
The Labour governments of Tony Blair and Gordon Brown initiated the most substantial programme of constitutional reform since the Great Reform Act 1832. Key measures included the removal of most hereditary peers from the House of Lords in 1999, the establishment of devolved institutions in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland after 1998, the incorporation of the European Convention on Human Rights through the Human Rights Act 1998, the introduction of the Freedom of Information Act 2000, the creation of the Supreme Court under the Constitutional Reform Act 2005, and the use of proportional electoral systems for devolved and European elections. These changes pluralised power away from Westminster, strengthened legal checks on government, and began to codify elements of the previously unwritten constitution.
托尼·布莱尔和戈登·布朗领导的工党政府开启了自1832年《大改革法》以来最实质性的宪制改革计划。关键措施包括1999年取消上议院大多数世袭贵族席位、1998年后在苏格兰、威尔士和北爱尔兰建立权力下放机构、通过1998年《人权法》纳入《欧洲人权公约》、2000年引入《信息自由法》、根据2005年《宪制改革法》设立最高法院，以及在权力下放机构和欧洲议会选举中采用比例代表制。这些变革使权力从威斯敏斯特向外分散，加强了对政府的法律制约，并开始将此前不成文宪法的部分内容法典化。
The unfinished nature of these reforms is not accidental. The removal of hereditary peers was explicitly described as the first stage of Lords reform, devolution was asymmetric and did not address England, and the voting system for the House of Commons remained first-past-the-post. Even the Human Rights Act was repeatedly criticised by some ministers and sections of the press, leaving its long-term status uncertain. Any assessment of whether reform should go further must therefore begin with an understanding that the post-1997 constitution is a work in progress rather than a settled destination.
这些改革的未完成性质并非偶然。取消世袭贵族被明确描述为上议院改革的第一阶段，权力下放是不对称的且未涉及英格兰，下议院的选举制度仍实行简单多数制。甚至《人权法》也一再受到一些大臣和部分媒体的批评，其长期地位并不确定。因此，对改革是否应进一步推进的任何评估，必须首先认识到1997年后的宪法是一项进行中的工程，而非既定的终点。
2. The Case for Further Reform: An Unfinished Second Chamber | 支持进一步改革：未完成的上议院
The House of Lords remains one of the most visible incomplete reforms. After the 1999 Act, 92 hereditary peers were retained as a temporary compromise, and the chamber continues to be composed overwhelmingly of appointed life peers. No member of the second chamber is elected by the public, which raises a clear democratic legitimacy problem: a legislature with significant power to delay and amend bills is not accountable to voters. The 2012 coalition bill to make the Lords 80 per cent elected failed after Conservative backbench opposition, leaving the chamber in a state of constitutional limbo.
上议院仍然是最明显的未完成改革之一。1999年法案之后，92名世袭贵族被作为临时妥协保留下来，而该院仍绝大多数由任命的终身贵族组成。第二院没有任何成员由公众选举产生，这带来了明显的民主合法性问题：一个拥有重大拖延和修改法案权力的立法机构却不对选民负责。2012年联合政府提出使上议院80%议席由选举产生的法案，因保守党后座议员反对而失败，使该院陷入宪法悬而未决的状态。
Supporters of further reform argue that a largely appointed chamber violates the democratic principle that those who make or influence law should be chosen by citizens. They point out that the Lords can delay legislation for up to a year, amend statutory instruments, and hold government to account, yet its members owe their positions to prime ministerial patronage or party lists. A directly elected or largely elected second chamber would provide a clearer mandate and could enhance the legitimacy of parliamentary scrutiny. Even if full election were not adopted, a gradual move towards a mixed chamber with a significant elected component would address the most serious democratic deficit.
支持进一步改革的人认为，一个主要由任命组成的议院违反了制定或影响法律者应由公民选择的民主原则。他们指出，上议院可以将立法拖延长达一年，修改法定文件，并监督政府，但其成员职位却来自首相的恩赐或政党名单。一个直接选举或大部分选举产生的第二院将提供更明确的授权，并能增强议会审查的合法性。即使不采用完全选举，逐步走向拥有大量选举成分的混合议院，也能解决最严重的民主赤字。
3. The Case for Further Reform: The Democratic Deficit and Electoral Systems | 支持进一步改革：民主赤字与选举制度
The House of Commons is still elected by first-past-the-post, a system that regularly produces highly disproportionate results. In the 2024 general election, for example, one party won a very large parliamentary majority on a relatively modest share of the national vote, while smaller parties received far fewer seats than their vote share would merit under proportional representation. This reinforces the argument that a fundamental democratic deficit persists at the heart of the UK constitution: millions of votes can be wasted in safe seats, and governments can claim a mandate based on a minority of popular support.
下议院仍然通过简单多数制选举产生，这一制度经常产生高度不具比例性的结果。例如，在2024年大选中，一个政党以相对较低的全国得票率赢得了非常大的议会多数，而较小政党获得的席位远低于其在比例代表制下应得的席位。这强化了一个论点，即英国宪法核心仍存在根本性的民主赤字：数百万选票可能在安全席位中被浪费，政府可以基于少数民意支持而声称拥有授权。
Advocates of further reform therefore argue that the voting system for Westminster should be changed, perhaps to the additional member system used for the Scottish Parliament or to the single transferable vote. This would make election outcomes more accurately reflect voter preferences and would encourage coalition or minority government, forcing parties to negotiate and compromise. Opponents often claim that proportional representation leads to weak government, but reformers respond that the current system also produces unstable majorities based on a narrow electoral base and that democratic fairness should not be sacrificed for administrative convenience.
因此，支持进一步改革的人认为，威斯敏斯特的选举制度应当改变，或许采用苏格兰议会使用的附则席位制，或采用单一可转移投票制。这将使选举结果更准确地反映选民偏好，并鼓励联合政府或少数派政府，迫使各党进行谈判和妥协。反对者常声称比例代表制会导致弱势政府，但改革者回应说，现行制度也会产生基于狭窄选举基础的不稳定多数，不应为了行政便利而牺牲民主公平。
4. The Case for Further Reform: Asymmetrical Devolution and the English Question | 支持进一步改革：不对称权力下放与英格兰问题
Devolution since 1997 has been highly asymmetrical. Scotland has a powerful Parliament with primary legislative powers, Wales has a Senedd with growing but still different powers, and Northern Ireland has its own Assembly with distinctive consociational features. England, however, has no equivalent national parliament or assembly. English laws are made by the UK Parliament, where MPs from Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland can vote on matters that do not affect their own constituents. This is the so-called West Lothian Question, and it remains largely unresolved despite the now-repealed English Votes for English Laws procedure.
自1997年以来的权力下放高度不对称。苏格兰拥有拥有主要立法权的强大议会，威尔士拥有权力不断增长但仍有所不同的议会，北爱尔兰则拥有具有独特共治特征的议会。然而，英格兰没有同等的国家议会或大会。英格兰法律由英国议会制定，来自苏格兰、威尔士和北爱尔兰的议员可以就不影响各自选区的事务投票。这就是所谓的西洛锡安问题，尽管现已废除的“英格兰法律由英格兰议员表决”程序曾试图解决，但该问题在很大程度上仍未解决。
The case for further reform here is that the English dimension of devolution has been neglected. A federal or quasi-federal system, with a separate English parliament or regional assemblies in England, could provide a symmetrical answer to the West Lothian Question and bring decision-making closer to English citizens. More recently, the growth of mayoral combined authorities in England, such as Greater Manchester and the West Midlands, represents a piecemeal form of devolution, but these bodies have limited powers compared with the devolved nations. Reformers argue that England should not be left as the only part of the Union without a distinct political voice.
此处支持进一步改革的理由是，权力下放的英格兰维度一直被忽视。一个联邦或准联邦体系，设立单独的英格兰议会或在英格兰设立地区议会，可以为西洛锡安问题提供一个对称的答案，并使决策更贴近英格兰公民。最近，大曼彻斯特和西米德兰兹等英格兰市长联合管理局的增长代表了一种零散的权力下放形式，但与权力下放地区相比，这些机构权力有限。改革者认为，英格兰不应成为联合王国中唯一没有独特政治声音的部分。
5. The Case for Further Reform: Human Rights and Judicial Independence | 支持进一步改革：人权与司法独立
The Human Rights Act 1998 incorporated the European Convention on Human Rights into domestic law, allowing UK courts to hear human rights claims without requiring applicants to go to Strasbourg. However, its future has been repeatedly questioned. The Conservative governments after 2015 proposed replacing it with a British Bill of Rights, and after Brexit there were renewed calls to weaken the link with the Strasbourg court. Although the Act remains in force, its status is not secure enough to be treated as a settled constitutional guarantee.
1998年《人权法》将《欧洲人权公约》纳入国内法，允许英国法院审理人权诉求，而无需申请人前往斯特拉斯堡。然而，它的未来一再受到质疑。2015年后的保守党政府提议以英国的《权利法案》取而代之，英国脱欧后，削弱与斯特拉斯堡法院联系的呼声再次出现。尽管该法仍然有效，但其地位尚未稳固到可以被视为一项既定的宪法保障。
Reformers argue that human rights protection should be entrenched, not left vulnerable to the political mood of the day. A written constitution or a stronger constitutional statute could place the Human Rights Act beyond easy repeal and clarify the relationship between Parliament and the courts. Similarly, while the Constitutional Reform Act 2005 greatly improved judicial independence by creating the Supreme Court and reducing the Lord Chancellor’s judicial role, further steps could include a clearer separation of powers and a more formal judicial appointments process. These changes would consolidate the shift from parliamentary sovereignty towards a more balanced constitutional order.
改革者认为，人权保护应当被牢固确立，而不应受制于当下的政治情绪。一部成文宪法或一部更强的宪法性法律可以将《人权法》置于不易被废除的地位，并澄清议会与法院之间的关系。同样，尽管2005年《宪制改革法》通过设立最高法院和削弱大法官司法职能极大改善了司法独立，但进一步的步骤可以包括更明确的权力分立和更正式的法官任命程序。这些变革将巩固从议会主权向更平衡宪法秩序的转变。
6. The Case Against Further Reform: Constitutional Stability and Pragmatism | 反对进一步改革：宪法稳定与务实
Against these arguments for further reform stands a powerful case for caution. The UK constitution has traditionally been flexible, unwritten and evolutionary. It has allowed the country to adapt to political and social change without the ruptures that often accompany formal constitutional design. The reforms since 1997 have already altered this balance significantly: they introduced legal rights, devolved power and limited the prerogative, but they did not attempt to replace the entire system. Critics of further change argue that more radical reform could undermine the very adaptability that has served the UK well.
与这些进一步改革的论点相对，有一个强有力的谨慎理由。英国宪法传统上具有灵活性、不成文性和演进性。它使国家能够适应政治和社会变化，而无需经历正式宪法设计常伴随的断裂。1997年以来的改革已经显著改变了这种平衡：它们引入了法律权利、下放了权力并限制了特权，但并未试图取代整个体系。进一步改革的批评者认为，更激进的改革可能损害一直以来对英国有利的适应性。
Moreover, constitutional reform has rarely been a top priority for voters. Public opinion research consistently shows that issues such as the economy, health, immigration and education rank far above Lords reform or electoral systems in importance. Politicians who devote significant time and capital to constitutional change may be seen as out of touch with everyday concerns. The failure of the 2011 Alternative Vote referendum, where 68 per cent of voters rejected changing the Westminster electoral system, suggests that there is no overwhelming popular demand for further reform. In this context, a major programme of constitutional change could lack democratic legitimacy.
此外，宪法改革很少是选民的首要优先事项。民意调查一致显示，经济、医疗、移民和教育等问题的重要性远高于上议院改革或选举制度。将大量时间和资源投入宪制变革的政治家可能被视为脱离民众日常关切。2011年替代投票公投失败——68%的选民反对改变威斯敏斯特选举制度——表明并不存在压倒性的民众进一步改革需求。在这种背景下，大规模的宪制变革计划可能缺乏民主合法性。
7. The Case Against Further Reform: The Risks of Over-Reform | 反对进一步改革：过度改革的风险
There is also a practical argument that constant constitutional change can itself be destabilising. Each reform creates new institutional interests, new uncertainties and new opportunities for litigation or political conflict. For example, the Fixed-term Parliaments Act 2011 was intended to provide stability but was widely criticised for causing confusion and was repealed in 2022. The now-abandoned English Votes for English Laws procedure was introduced in 2015 and then suspended and repealed after creating procedural complexity without resolving the underlying English Question. These examples suggest that further large-scale change may generate more problems than it solves.
还存在一个实际论点，即不断的宪法变革本身可能造成不稳定。每一次改革都会产生新的机构利益、新的不确定性以及新的诉讼或政治冲突机会。例如，2011年《固定任期议会法》本意是提供稳定，但被广泛批评造成混乱，并于2022年被废除。2015年引入的“英格兰法律由英格兰议员表决”程序现已废弃，它在制造程序复杂性的同时并未解决根本的英格兰问题，随后被暂停和废除。这些例子表明，进一步的大规模变革可能制造比解决的问题更多的问题。
Specific reform proposals also carry their own risks. A fully elected House of Lords could rival the Commons and create legislative gridlock, especially if the two chambers had different electoral mandates. Proportional representation might fragment the party system and lead to frequent coalition negotiations, slowing decision-making and reducing accountability to voters who prefer clear governing alternatives. The appointed Lords, for all its democratic weaknesses, brings specialist expertise and calm scrutiny that a partisan elected chamber might not replicate. Reformers must therefore demonstrate that the benefits of change outweigh these significant practical risks.
具体的改革方案也有其自身风险。一个完全选举产生的上议院可能与众议院分庭抗礼，造成立法僵局，特别是当两院拥有不同的选举授权时。比例代表制可能使政党体系碎片化，导致频繁的联合谈判，延缓决策并削弱对偏好明确执政替代方案的选民的问责。任命的上议院虽然存在民主缺陷，却带来了专业知识和冷静的审查，而党派选举产生的议院未必能够复制这一点。因此，改革者必须证明变革的好处超过这些重大的实际风险。
8. The Case Against Further Reform: Devolution and the Union | 反对进一步改革：权力下放与联合王国
Further constitutional reform, particularly in the area of devolution, could also threaten the integrity of the United Kingdom itself. The creation of a Scottish Parliament in 1999 was intended to satisfy demands for self-government while maintaining the Union, but it also provided the institutional platform for the Scottish National Party to grow and to hold an independence referendum in 2014. Although that referendum resulted in a majority for remaining in the UK, the issue has not disappeared, and further transfers of power to Scotland could be used by nationalist parties to argue that independence is the next logical step.
进一步的宪法改革，特别是在权力下放领域，也可能威胁联合王国本身的完整性。1999年设立苏格兰议会旨在满足自治要求同时维护联合，但它也为苏格兰民族党的发展提供了制度平台，并使其在2014年举行了独立公投。尽管该公投以多数支持留在英国告终，但问题并未消失，进一步向苏格兰移交权力可能被民族主义政党利用，主张独立是下一个合乎逻辑的步骤。
Similarly, an English parliament or regional assemblies could weaken the central bonds of the state, encouraging centrifugal tendencies in all parts of the Union. Northern Ireland’s devolution is already fragile, with repeated suspensions of the Assembly due to political disagreements. A wholesale federal restructuring would require answering fundamental questions about fiscal transfers, national identity and the location of sovereignty, questions that current political conditions are ill-equipped to resolve. From this perspective, the cautious, incremental approach adopted since 1997 has protected the Union, and further radical reform could place it in jeopardy.
同样，英格兰议会或地区议会可能削弱国家的中央纽带，在联合王国所有部分助长离心倾向。北爱尔兰的权力下放已经脆弱，议会因政治分歧一再被暂停。全面的联邦重构将需要回答关于财政转移、国家认同和主权所在的根本问题，而当前政治条件并不适合解决这些问题。从这个角度看，1997年以来采取的谨慎、渐进方式保护了联合王国，而进一步的激进改革可能使其陷入危险。
9. The Counterargument: Incrementalism as a Middle Way | 反论：渐进主义作为中间道路
A balanced assessment suggests that the choice is not between a complete halt to constitutional reform and a revolutionary overhaul. There is a credible middle way based on incremental, piecemeal improvements that address the most pressing defects while preserving the flexibility of the existing constitution. For example, the House of Lords could be made partly elected without adopting a fully elected chamber, perhaps by introducing a smaller elected element alongside appointed experts. The electoral system could be reformed for a second chamber or for English local and regional bodies rather than immediately changing Westminster.
一个平衡的评估表明，选择并非在完全停止宪制改革与革命性全面改革之间二选一。存在一条可信的中间道路，基于渐进、零碎的改进，既解决最紧迫的缺陷，又保留现有宪法的灵活性。例如，上议院可以部分选举产生，而不必采用完全选举的议院，或许可在任命的专家之外引入较小的选举成分。选举制度可以先在第二院或英格兰地方和地区机构中改革，而非立即改变威斯敏斯特。
Incrementalism also allows for public consent to be built over time. A series of smaller, well-explained reforms may generate more durable legitimacy than a sweeping constitutional convention that asks citizens to make multiple simultaneous choices. The success of Scottish and Welsh devolution, despite initial scepticism, shows that once institutions are created and allowed to prove their value, public attachment can grow. Further reform can therefore be pursued experimentally, with each step evaluated before the next is taken. This approach reduces the risk of irreversible mistakes and respects the UK’s tradition of gradual constitutional evolution.
渐进主义还能使公众同意随着时间的推移逐步建立。一系列较小且解释清楚的改革可能比一个要求公民同时作出多重选择的全面制宪会议产生更持久的合法性。苏格兰和威尔士权力下放尽管最初受到怀疑，但最终成功，这表明一旦机构设立并有机会证明其价值，公众的依附感可以增强。因此，进一步改革可以以试验方式推进，每一步都经过评估后再迈出下一步。这种方法降低了不可逆错误的风险，并尊重英国渐进宪制演进的传统。
10. Conclusion: A Measured Extension, Not a Constitutional Revolution | 结论：有节制的延伸，而非宪法革命
To what extent should the constitutional reforms introduced since 1997 be taken further? The strongest answer is that they should be extended in a measured and selective way, but not transformed into a fully codified, federal or radically majoritarian constitution. The unfinished business of Lords reform, the disproportionality of the Westminster electoral system and the unresolved English Question are real democratic weaknesses that justify further action. However, the risks of over-reform, the lack of overwhelming public demand, and the need to preserve the Union and the virtues of evolutionary change all counsel against a constitutional revolution.
1997年以来的宪法改革应在多大程度上继续推进？最有力的答案是，应当以有节制和选择性的方式延伸这些改革，但不应将其转变为一部完全法典化、联邦制或激进多数主义的宪法。上议院改革的未竟事业、威斯敏斯特选举制度的不成比例性以及未解决的英格兰问题，都是真实的民主缺陷，有理由采取进一步行动。然而，过度改革的风险、缺乏压倒性的民众需求，以及维护联合王国和渐进变革优点的需要，都告诫人们不要进行宪法革命。
A pragmatic reform agenda would therefore prioritise a partially elected second chamber, a review of Commons electoral reform with due regard for stable government, and a clearer English answer to devolution, perhaps through enhanced regional and mayoral powers rather than a separate English parliament. Human rights protections should be consolidated without removing the supremacy of Parliament where necessary. The precise extent of further reform will depend on political circumstances, but the guiding principle should be to make the post-1997 constitution more coherent, legitimate and accountable while preserving the flexibility that has long been its defining characteristic.
因此，务实的改革议程应优先考虑部分选举产生的第二院，在兼顾政府稳定的前提下审查下议院选举改革，并对权力下放给出更清晰的英格兰答案，或许通过加强地区和市长权力而非单独设立英格兰议会。人权保护应得到巩固，但在必要时不取消议会至上。进一步改革的具体程度将取决于政治环境，但指导原则应是使1997年后的宪法更加连贯、合法和负责，同时保留长期以来作为其标志性特征的灵活性。
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