How Referendums Have Been Used and Their Impact on UK Political Life Since 1997 | 1997年以来全民公投在英国政治中的应用及其影响

📚 How Referendums Have Been Used and Their Impact on UK Political Life Since 1997 | 1997年以来全民公投在英国政治中的应用及其影响

Since 1997, the United Kingdom has witnessed an unprecedented proliferation of referendums, transforming a device once viewed as exceptional into a regular feature of its constitutional and political landscape. This chapter examines the key referendums held, the purposes they served and the profound consequences they have had on parliamentary sovereignty, party politics, voter engagement and the very nature of political debate in Britain.

自1997年以来，英国经历了前所未有的公投浪潮，一种曾经被视为例外的政治工具已转变为宪政和政治格局中的常规特征。本章将审视所举行的重要公投、其服务的目的，以及它们对议会主权、政党政治、选民参与乃至英国政治辩论本质所产生的深远影响。

1. The Constitutional Context and the Rise of the Referendum | 宪法背景与公投的兴起

The United Kingdom has no codified constitution, meaning there is no legal requirement ever to hold a referendum. Before 1997, the only UK-wide referendum had been in 1975 on continued EEC membership. The post-1997 Labour government under Tony Blair embraced referendums as a device to legitimise major constitutional reforms and to bypass potential deadlock in Parliament, particularly where devolution threatened the traditional unitary state.

英国没有成文宪法，这意味着法律上从未要求举行公投。在1997年之前，唯一一次全英范围内的公投是1975年关于是否继续留在欧洲经济共同体。1997年后，托尼·布莱尔领导的工党政府将公投作为工具，用以赋予重大宪制改革合法性，并绕过议会可能出现的僵局，尤其是在权力下放威胁到传统的单一制国家时。

2. The 1997 Devolution Referendums: Scotland and Wales | 1997年苏格兰与威尔士权力下放公投

In September 1997, voters in Scotland and Wales went to the polls to approve the creation of devolved assemblies. Scotland voted overwhelmingly in favour of a tax-varying parliament (74.3% for a parliament, 63.5% for tax powers), while Wales only narrowly backed its assembly (50.3%). These referendums provided the democratic mandate for the Scotland Act 1998 and the Government of Wales Act 1998, fundamentally reshaping the UK’s territorial constitution.

1997年9月，苏格兰和威尔士的选民投票决定是否批准建立权力下放的议会。苏格兰以压倒性多数赞成设立拥有税收调整权的议会（74.3%赞成议会，63.5%赞成税收权），而威尔士仅以微弱优势支持其议会（50.3%）。这些公投为《1998年苏格兰法》和《1998年威尔士政府法》提供了民主授权，从根本上重塑了英国的领土宪法。

3. The 1998 Good Friday Agreement Referendum | 1998年《耶稣受难日协议》公投

In May 1998, a referendum was held simultaneously in Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland on the Good Friday Agreement. With a turnout of 81% and 71.1% voting yes in Northern Ireland, the vote endorsed a power-sharing settlement that ended decades of sectarian violence. This exemplified how a referendum could be used as a peace-building instrument, securing cross-community consent for a historic compromise.

1998年5月，北爱尔兰和爱尔兰共和国同时就《耶稣受难日协议》举行了公投。北爱尔兰投票率达81%，71.1%的选民投了赞成票，从而批准了结束数十年宗派暴力的权力分享安排。这展示了公投如何被用作和平建设工具，为历史性妥协赢得跨社区的同意。

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4. The 2011 Alternative Vote Referendum: A Failed Reform | 2011年替代投票制公投：一次失败的改革

As part of the 2010 coalition agreement, a referendum was held in May 2011 on replacing the first-past-the-post electoral system with the Alternative Vote (AV) for Westminster elections. Campaigning was often deceptive and the proposal was rejected by 67.9% of voters on a 42% turnout. The outcome confirmed that electoral reform would struggle unless both main parties endorsed it, and fatally damaged the Liberal Democrats’ credibility.

作为2010年联合政府协议的一部分，2011年5月就是否用替代投票制（AV）取代议会选举中的简单多数制举行了公投。竞选活动往往带有欺骗性，最终在42%的投票率下，67.9%的选民否决了该提案。这一结果证实，除非两大主要政党都支持，否则选举改革将步履维艰，并且致命地损害了自由民主党的公信力。

5. The 2014 Scottish Independence Referendum: A Defining Moment | 2014年苏格兰独立公投：决定性时刻

Under the Edinburgh Agreement (2012), the UK government granted the Scottish Parliament the power to hold a legal independence referendum. On 18 September 2014, 55.3% voted to remain in the Union on an exceptionally high turnout of 84.6%. Although the unionist side won, the campaign energised nationalist sentiment, saw the SNP’s membership surge and left unresolved questions about further devolution and the possibility of a second vote.

根据2012年的《爱丁堡协议》，英国政府授权苏格兰议会举行一次合法的独立公投。2014年9月18日，在高达84.6%的投票率下，55.3%的选民选择留在联合王国。尽管统派获胜，但这场竞选活动激发了民族主义情绪，使苏格兰民族党的党员人数激增，并留下关于进一步权力下放及再次举行投票可能性的未解难题。

6. The 2016 EU Referendum: Brexit and Its Aftershocks | 2016年脱欧公投：冲击与余波

The Conservative manifesto pledged an in-out referendum on EU membership, and the vote was held on 23 June 2016. Leave won by 51.9% to 48.1% on a 72.2% turnout, revealing deep social fractures by age, education and geography. The result triggered David Cameron’s resignation, bitter parliamentary battles over the triggering of Article 50, two general elections and, ultimately, the UK’s departure from the EU on 31 January 2020. The referendum exposed the ambiguity of direct democracy: a simple majority settled an enormously complex constitutional question, yet the implementation unleashed prolonged political turmoil.

保守党竞选纲领承诺就欧盟成员资格举行留脱公投，投票于2016年6月23日进行。脱欧派以51.9%对48.1%获胜，投票率72.2%，揭示出因年龄、教育程度和地域造成的深刻社会分裂。这一结果导致戴维·卡梅伦辞职，围绕启动第50条引发激烈的议会角力、两次大选，并最终使英国于2020年1月31日退出欧盟。该公投暴露了直接民主的模糊性：简单多数决定了一个极为复杂的宪法问题，而执行过程却引发了旷日持久的政治动荡。

7. Other Uses: Local and Mayoral Referendums | 其他运用：地方与市长公投

Beyond high-stakes national ballots, referendums have also been deployed at the local level. Under the Localism Act 2011, several English cities held votes in 2012 on whether to introduce directly elected mayors; only Bristol voted in favour. Such exercises, while often attracting low turnouts, illustrate the extension of the referendum principle into local governance reform, albeit with mixed success.

除了风险巨大的全国性投票外，公投也被用于地方层面。根据《2011年地方主义法》，2012年英格兰多个城市就是否引入直选市长举行投票，只有布里斯托尔获得赞同。这些实践虽然通常投票率低，但显示了公投原则向地方治理改革的延伸，尽管成效参差不齐。

8. Impact on Parliamentary Sovereignty | 对议会主权的影响

Referendums are technically advisory, lacking legally binding force under UK law. However, politically they command enormous authority. The Brexit process starkly illustrated the tension: the 2016 Miller case confirmed that the government could not trigger Article 50 without an Act of Parliament, yet parliamentarians felt compelled to respect ‘the will of the people’. Consequently, referendums have created a new benchmark of popular sovereignty that sits uneasily alongside the orthodox Diceyan doctrine of parliamentary supremacy.

从技术上讲，公投仅具咨询性质，在英国法律下不具有法律约束力。然而在政治上，它们拥有巨大的权威。脱欧过程鲜明地体现了这种张力：2016年的米勒案确认，政府未经议会立法不能启动第50条，但议员们又感到有义务尊重“人民的意志”。因此，公投创造了新的民众主权标准，与戴西式议会至上正统学说并立而令人不安。

9. Impact on Political Engagement and Voter Turnout | 对政治参与和投票率的影响

When a referendum captures the public imagination, it can produce remarkable turnouts unseen in general elections for generations. The 84.6% turnout in the 2014 Scottish referendum and 72.2% in 2016 exceeded the 2015 general election (66.1%). Yet participation is uneven: the 2011 AV referendum saw only 42% turnout, and some voters reported feeling exhausted by relentless plebiscitary campaigns. While referendums can awaken latent political interest, they also risk promoting episodic, issue-specific participation rather than sustained civic engagement.

当公投激发公众想象力时，它能产生历次大选都未曾见过的高投票率。2014年苏格兰公投84.6%的投票率与2016年脱欧公投72.2%的投票率，均超过2015年大选的66.1%。然而参与并不均衡：2011年AV公投投票率仅为42%，而且部分选民反映，无休止的公投造势活动令他们感到疲惫。公投虽能唤醒潜在的政治兴趣，但也可能导致短暂的、议题特定的参与，而非持续的公民投入。

10. Impact on Political Parties and the Party System | 对政党与政党体系的影响

Referendums have exposed and magnified internal divisions within the main UK parties. The Conservative Party was torn apart by competing Brexit visions for years, cost two prime ministers their jobs and shifted the party’s identity toward hard Euroscepticism. Labour’s ambivalent stance during and after 2016 alienated both Leave and Remain voters. Furthermore, the EU referendum gave the UK Independence Party (UKIP) outsized agenda-setting influence despite limited parliamentary representation, demonstrating how referendums can reframe the party system around new cleavages.

公投揭示并放大了英国主要政党内部的分裂。保守党因围绕脱欧的彼此冲突的愿景而撕裂多年，导致两位首相下台，并将该党的身份认同推向强硬的疑欧主义。工党在2016年期间及之后的摇摆立场，同时疏远了脱欧派和留欧派选民。此外，脱欧公投使英国独立党（UKIP）尽管在议会议席不多，却获得了影响议程的巨大能量，表明公投可以围绕新的裂痕重塑政党体系。

11. Referendums as a Legitimising Tool for Constitutional Change | 公投作为宪法变革合法化工具

Since 1997, a powerful convention has developed: any fundamental alteration of the UK’s constitutional architecture should be sanctioned by a direct popular vote. Devolution, the Good Friday Agreement, the possibility of Scottish secession and departure from the EU were all treated as matters requiring such endorsement. This has entrenched the view that parliamentary approval alone is insufficient for certain historic decisions, effectively altering the balance between representative and direct democracy in the UK.

自1997年以来，一项强有力的惯例已经形成：任何对英国宪制架构的根本性改变，都应当通过直接的民众投票来批准。权力下放、《耶稣受难日协议》、苏格兰分离的可能性以及脱离欧盟，都被视为需要此种背书的议题。这固化了这样一种看法：仅靠议会批准，对某些历史性决策是不够的，从而事实上改变了英国代议制民主与直接民主之间的平衡。

12. Long-Term Consequences: Polarisation, Populism and Precedent | 长期后果：极化、民粹主义与先例

The cumulative effect of regular referendums since 1997 has been a more polarised and populist political climate. The language of ‘the people versus the elites’ has been repeatedly amplified, weakening the mediating role of political parties and representative institutions. The 2016 referendum in particular left a hostile and mistrustful public sphere, while creating expectations that any future major shift—whether a second Scottish independence vote or a rejoin EU campaign—should also be decided by plebiscite. In this way, referendums have not only reflected divisions but have actively shaped and deepened them, establishing a precedent that will prove difficult to reverse.

自1997年以来频繁举行公投的累积效应，形成了一种更极化、更民粹的政治氛围。“人民对抗精英”的论调被反复放大，削弱了政党和代议机构的调解作用。特别是2016年公投，留下了一个充满敌意和互不信任的公共空间，同时营造出这样一种期待：未来任何重大转变——无论是二次苏格兰独立公投，还是重新加入欧盟运动——也应由全民公决来决定。如此，公投不仅反映分歧，更主动塑造并加深了分歧，确立了一个日后难以逆转的先例。

Published by TutorHao | UK Politics Revision Series | aleveler.com

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