📚 The changing significance of parties in Congress | 美国国会中政党作用的变化
In the study of the US Congress, one of the most debated questions is whether political parties have become more or less significant over time. Unlike parties in parliamentary systems, American congressional parties have historically been loose coalitions rather than disciplined voting blocs. However, since the late twentieth century, party unity, ideological polarisation, and leadership control have increased markedly, making party affiliation a central determinant of legislative behaviour. This article examines the changing significance of parties in Congress, focusing on the causes, evidence, and consequences of this shift.
在美国国会研究中，最具争议性的问题之一是政党的重要性究竟是随时间增强还是减弱。与议会制国家的政党不同，美国国会中的政党历来是松散的联盟，而非纪律严明的投票集团。然而，自二十世纪后期以来，政党团结、意识形态极化和领导层控制显著增强，使得政党归属成为立法行为的核心决定因素。本文探讨美国国会中政党作用的变化，重点分析这一转变的原因、证据和后果。
1. Constitutional foundations and early party weakness | 宪法基础与早期政党的软弱
The Constitution makes no mention of political parties. The Framers feared factions and designed separation of powers to prevent any single group from dominating. In the first Congresses, members often voted according to regional, personal, or sectional interests rather than strict party lines. Party labels existed, but they were weak and fluid.
宪法只字未提政党。制宪者担心派系斗争，设计了分权制衡以防止任何单一团体主导。在最初几届国会中，议员往往按地区、个人或地域利益投票，而不是严格遵循政党路线。政党标签虽然存在，但软弱且变动不居。
Early congressional parties lacked formal leadership structures and whip systems; the Speaker was more a presiding officer than a party leader. This meant cross-party voting was common and party significance was low.
早期国会政党缺乏正式的领导结构和党鞭制度；议长更多是主持会议的官员，而非政党领袖。这意味着跨党投票非常普遍，政党的重要性很低。
2. The nineteenth-century strong party era | 十九世纪的强政党时代
From the 1830s to the 1890s, parties became central to congressional organisation. The Speaker of the House gained extensive powers, including committee assignments and control of the legislative agenda. Party caucuses selected leaders, and party loyalty was enforced through patronage and discipline. The Reed Rules of 1890 further centralised power in the majority party by limiting the ability of the minority to obstruct.
从19世纪30年代到90年代，政党成为国会组织的核心。众议院议长获得广泛权力，包括委员会任命和立法议程控制权。政党核心小组推选领导人，并通过政治分肥和纪律约束来强化政党忠诚。1890年的 ‘里德规则’ 通过限制少数党阻挠议事的能力，进一步将权力集中于多数党。
Party-line voting was high in this period, especially on tariff, currency, and sectional issues. However, parties remained broad coalitions with internal regional factions.
在这一时期，政党路线投票比例很高，尤其是在关税、货币和地域问题上。不过，政党仍然是包含内部地区派系的广泛联盟。
3. Progressive reforms and congressional decentralisation | 进步时代的改革与国会权力分散
The early twentieth century Progressive movement attacked party machines as corrupt and undemocratic. Reforms such as the direct primary, the secret ballot, and the 17th Amendment weakened party leaders’ control over nominations and the Senate. In Congress, power shifted to standing committees, whose chairs were often selected by seniority rather than party loyalty. This decentralisation reduced party significance and increased cross-party coalitions.
20世纪初的进步运动抨击政党机器腐败且不民主。直接初选、无记名投票和第十七修正案等改革削弱了政党领袖对提名和参议院的控制。在国会内部，权力转移到常设委员会，委员会主席往往根据资历而非政党忠诚来选定。这种权力分散降低了政党的重要性，增加了跨党派联盟。
The seniority system meant that southern Democrats could chair key committees even when they disagreed with the national party. This encouraged a ‘conservative coalition’ of southern Democrats and Republicans, which often blocked liberal legislation.
资历制度意味着南方民主党人即使与国家政党意见相左，也能担任关键委员会主席。这催生了南方民主党人和共和党人组成的 ‘保守联盟’，经常阻挠自由派立法。
4. The mid-twentieth century bipartisan consensus | 二十世纪中叶的两党共识
Between the 1930s and 1970s, congressional parties were relatively weak by modern standards. Party unity scores were lower, and cross-party voting was common on civil rights, foreign policy, and economic issues. The conservative coalition frequently controlled the agenda, and committee chairs exercised significant independent power. Presidents had to build shifting bipartisan coalitions to pass legislation.
在20世纪30年代至70年代之间，以现代标准衡量，国会政党相对软弱。政党团结得分较低，跨党派投票在民权、外交政策和经济议题上非常普遍。保守联盟经常控制议程，委员会主席拥有很大的独立权力。总统不得不建立不断变动的两党联盟来通过立法。
This era is often described as the ‘textbook Congress’ with bargaining, logrolling, and weak party discipline. Party leaders lacked the tools to force members to vote the party line.
这个时代常被描述为 ‘教科书式国会’，存在讨价还价、互投赞成票和松散的政党纪律。政党领袖缺乏强制议员按政党路线投票的手段。
5. The onset of modern polarisation | 现代极化的开端
From the late 1970s and especially after the 1994 Republican Revolution, the significance of parties in Congress increased sharply. The parties became more ideologically coherent: conservative southern Democrats were replaced by Republicans, and liberal northeastern Republicans disappeared. This ‘sorting’ meant party affiliation became a reliable predictor of ideology.
从20世纪70年代末开始，尤其是1994年共和党革命之后，政党在国会中的重要性急剧上升。两党在意识形态上变得更加一致：保守的南方民主党人被共和党人取代，自由派的东北部共和党人消失。这种 ‘分类’ 意味着政党归属成为意识形态的可靠预测指标。
Party unity scores rose from around 60-70 percent in the 1970s to over 90 percent in recent years on many high-profile votes. Party-line voting is now the norm on most major legislation.
政党团结得分从20世纪70年代约60%至70%上升到近年来在许多重要投票中超过90%。如今，在大多数重大立法上，按政党路线投票已成为常态。
6. Measuring party unity and ideological sorting | 衡量政党团结与意识形态分类
Political scientists measure party significance through party unity scores, which show the percentage of votes in which a majority of one party opposes a majority of the other. DW-NOMINATE scores place each member on a liberal-conservative scale, revealing how far the parties have moved apart. Recent Congresses show record levels of polarisation, with little overlap between the two parties.
政治学家通过政党团结得分来衡量政党的重要性，该得分显示一党多数反对另一党多数的投票所占百分比。DW-NOMINATE 评分将每位议员置于自由派—保守派光谱上，揭示两党之间的距离有多大。近几届国会显示出创纪录的极化水平，两党之间几乎没有重叠。
These measures confirm that party is now the single most important factor in congressional voting, more influential than constituency, region, or personal ideology.
这些指标证实，政党现在是国会投票中最重要的单一因素，比选区、地区或个人意识形态更具影响力。
7. Causes of rising party significance | 政党重要性上升的原因
Several structural and political changes explain the rising significance of parties. First, the primary system empowers ideological activists who demand party loyalty from candidates. Second, gerrymandering has created safe seats, so the main electoral threat comes from primary challenges rather than the general election. Third, nationalisation of politics means voters increasingly view House and Senate elections through a national partisan lens.
若干结构和政治变化解释了政党重要性的上升。首先，初选制度赋予意识形态活跃分子权力，他们要求候选人对政党忠诚。其次，不公正划分选区制造了安全席位，因此主要的选举威胁来自初选挑战而非大选。第三，政治国家化意味着选民越来越通过全国性党派视角看待参众两院选举。
Fourth, the rise of partisan media and campaign fundraising by national party committees has strengthened party brands. Finally, the decline of cross-cutting issues such as the Cold War and civil rights removed reasons for cross-party alliances.
第四，党派媒体的兴起以及全国政党委员会的竞选筹款强化了政党品牌。最后，冷战和民权等跨党派议题的消退消除了建立跨党派联盟的理由。
8. Consequences for legislative behaviour | 对立法行为的影响
The increase in party significance has transformed how Congress operates. Party leaders, especially the Speaker of the House, now play a central role in setting the agenda and negotiating deals. The ‘Hastert rule’ – the informal practice of only bringing bills to the floor that have majority support within the majority party – has strengthened majority-party control. This leads to fewer bipartisan compromises and more legislative gridlock.
政党重要性的上升改变了国会的运作方式。政党领袖，尤其是众议院议长，现在在制定议程和谈判协议方面发挥核心作用。’哈斯特规则’——即只将获得多数党内多数支持的议案提交全体会议的非正式做法——加强了多数党的控制。这导致两党妥协减少，立法僵局增多。
Party discipline is enforced through committee assignments, campaign funds, and leadership PACs. Members who break with the party risk losing chairmanships or facing primary challenges. This has contributed to high-stakes confrontations such as government shutdowns and debt ceiling crises.
政党纪律通过委员会任命、竞选资金和领导层政治行动委员会来执行。背离政党的议员可能失去主席职位或面临初选挑战。这导致了政府停摆和债务上限危机等高风险对抗。
9. House and Senate compared | 众议院与参议院的比较
Party significance is generally greater in the House than in the Senate. The House is majoritarian: the majority party controls the Rules Committee and can pass legislation with a simple majority. The Speaker has strong tools to enforce party unity. In the Senate, the filibuster requires 60 votes for most legislation, forcing bipartisan cooperation. Individual senators also retain more power through holds, amendments, and the ability to delay.
政党在众议院的重要性通常大于参议院。众议院实行多数决：多数党控制规则委员会，并可以以简单多数通过立法。议长拥有强大的工具来强制政党团结。在参议院，阻挠议事规则要求大多数立法获得60票，从而迫使两党合作。个别参议员通过搁置、修正案和拖延手段也保留更多权力。
However, even in the Senate, party-line voting has increased, and procedural battles over nominations and legislation have become more partisan. The filibuster itself is now used more as a party weapon than as a tool of individual deliberation.
然而，即使在参议院，按政党路线投票也有所增加，围绕提名
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