📚 Established Political Parties | 建制政党
In the context of UK politics, ‘established political parties’ refers primarily to the Conservative Party and the Labour Party. These two organisations have dominated the Westminster system since the early 20th century, forming every government since 1922. Their deep institutional roots, mass memberships, and capacity to shape the national political agenda make them the central pillars of British representative democracy. Understanding their ideologies, internal structures, electoral strategies, and evolving policy platforms is essential for any A-Level Politics student examining the UK party system.
在英国政治的语境中,“建制政党”主要指保守党和工党。自20世纪初以来,这两个组织主导了威斯敏斯特体系,自1922年起组建了每一届政府。它们深厚的制度根基、庞大的党员群体以及塑造国家政治议程的能力,使其成为英国代议制民主的核心支柱。理解它们的意识形态、内部结构、选举策略以及不断演变的政治纲领,对于任何研究英国政党制度的A-Level政治学学生而言都是至关重要的。
1. What Are Established Political Parties? | 什么是建制政党?
Established political parties are those that have a long-standing presence in the political landscape, consistently secure a substantial share of the vote, and routinely form the government or the official opposition. In the UK, the Conservative and Labour parties meet this description. Their ‘establishment’ status is reinforced by the first-past-the-post electoral system, which creates a Duvergerian tendency towards two-party dominance, granting them a near-monopoly on executive power.
建制政党是指在政治版图中存在时间长、稳定获得大量选票、并常规性地组建政府或成为官方反对党的政党。在英国,保守党和工党符合这一描述。它们的”建制”地位被简单多数选举制强化,该制度产生了趋向两党主导的迪韦尔热倾向,使它们近乎垄断了行政权力。
These parties are more than electoral machines; they function as broad coalitions of interests, mediating between society and the state. The Conservative Party has historically represented land, capital and the middle classes, while Labour emerged from the trade union movement to speak for organised labour and the working class. Both have transformed over time to reflect shifting social cleavages, illustrating their adaptability as established actors.
这些政党不只是选举机器;它们充当着广泛的利益联盟,在社和国家之间进行调停。保守党历来代表土地、资本和中产阶级,而工党则从工会运动中产生,为有组织的劳工和工人阶级发声。两者都随着时间推移而转型,以反映社会裂痕的变化,体现出它们作为建制行为者的适应能力。
2. The Conservative Party: Ideological Foundations | 保守党:意识形态基础
The Conservative Party draws on a tradition that prioritises order, authority, property, and gradual change. One-Nation Conservatism, associated with Benjamin Disraeli, advocates paternalistic intervention to maintain social cohesion and preserve existing institutions. This strand accepts a mixed economy and a welfare safety net to narrow the gap between rich and poor, thereby precluding revolutionary upheaval.
保守党汲取了一种重视秩序、权威、财产和渐进变革的传统。与本杰明·迪斯雷利联系在一起的”一国保守主义”主张父爱主义式的干预,以维持社会凝聚力和保存现有制度。这一流派接受混合经济和福利安全网,以缩小贫富差距,从而防止革命性的动荡。
Thatcherism marked a radical departure in the late 20th century, blending free-market economics with social authoritarianism and a strong state. It promoted privatisation, deregulation, tax cuts, trade union reform, and a rejection of the post-war consensus. While some modern Conservatives, such as David Cameron, attempted to marry Thatcherite economics with a more compassionate ‘Big Society’ narrative, the ideological tension between One-Nation and New Right traditions remains alive in the parliamentary party.
撒切尔主义在20世纪末标志着一次激进的背离,它将自由市场经济与社会威权主义及一个强势国家融合起来。它推动了私有化、放松管制、减税、工会改革,并拒斥战后共识。虽然一些现代保守党人,如戴维·卡梅伦,试图将撒切尔主义经济学与更富有同情心的”大社会”叙事结合起来,但一国保守主义与新右翼传统之间的意识形态张力在议会党团中依然存在。
3. The Labour Party: Ideological Roots and Evolution | 工党:意识形态根源与演变
Labour was founded in 1900 as the political wing of the trade union movement, committed to democratic socialism and the representation of working people in Parliament. Clause IV of its original constitution called for the common ownership of the means of production, a clear state socialist objective. Throughout the 20th century, Labour advanced a mixed economy, nationalised key industries, and built the modern welfare state under the Attlee government of 1945–51.
工党成立于1900年,作为工会运动的政治翼,致力于民主社会主义和在议会中代表劳动人民。其最初党章的第四条要求生产资料公有,这是一个明确的国家社会主义目标。在整个20世纪,工党推行混合经济,将关键产业国有化,并在1945至1951年的艾德礼政府下建立了现代福利国家。
Tony Blair’s New Labour project of the mid-1990s rewrote Clause IV and repositioned the party on the centre-ground. It embraced market economics, low inflation, and business-friendly policies while maintaining a commitment to public services and social justice. More recently, Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership revived a left-wing socialist agenda with proposals for extensive re-nationalisation, higher taxes on the wealthy, and a more pacifist foreign policy – an ideational shift that illustrates the party’s ongoing identity struggle.
托尼·布莱尔在90年代中期的新工党计划重写了第四条,并将党重新定位在中间地带。它拥抱市场经济、低通胀和亲商政策,同时保持对公共服务和社会正义的承诺。更近的,杰里米·科尔宾的领导层复活了左翼社会主义议程,提议广泛的再国有化、对富人增税以及更和平主义的外交政策——这一观念转变说明了该党正在进行的身份斗争。
4. Party Structure and Internal Democracy | 政党组织与内部民主
Both established parties possess hierarchical structures that distribute power between the membership, annual conferences, executive bodies, and the parliamentary leadership. The Conservative Party has traditionally vested considerable authority in its leader, who, until recently, was elected exclusively by MPs. The party’s extra-parliamentary members had only a consultative role in leadership contests before reforms in 1998 introduced a two-stage process that gave grassroots members the final choice from two candidates shortlisted by MPs.
两个建制政党都拥有层级结构,权力在党员、年度会议、执行机构和议会领导层之间分配。保守党传统上赋予其领袖相当大的权力,直到最近领袖还完全由议员选出。在1998年改革引入两阶段程序前,党的党外党员在领袖角逐中只有咨询作用,该程序让基层党员从议员入围的两名候选人中做出最后选择。
Labour’s structure is more federal, reflecting its union origins. The leader is elected by an electoral college system (now reformed to one-member-one-vote for parliamentary candidates, but still involving members, registered supporters, and trade unions for the leadership). The National Executive Committee (NEC) and annual conference have policy-making roles, though tensions persist between the parliamentary party and activists who seek greater direct democracy. Both parties have experimented with primaries and policy forums in an attempt to revitalise participation.
工党的结构更具有联邦性,反映了其工会起源。领袖由选举团制度选出(现已改革为议会候选人实行一人一票,但在领袖选举中仍涉及党员、注册支持者和工会)。全国执行委员会和年度会议拥有决策角色,尽管议会党团与寻求更大直接民主的活动人士之间始终存在张力。两党都曾尝试过初选和政策论坛,以期重振参与。
5. Electoral Performance and Voter Base | 选举表现与选民基础
The Conservative Party has long been the most successful vote-gathering machine in British history, winning majorities in 2019, 2015, and 2010 (in coalition). Its core electorate comprises older voters, homeowners, the middle and upper classes, and those living in rural and suburban England. The party’s most reliable regions are the South East, South West, and the East of England, and since the 2016 EU referendum it has made significant inroads into the ‘Red Wall’ seats – historically Labour constituencies in the Midlands and North that voted Leave.
保守党一直以来是英国历史上最成功的票仓机器,在2019年、2015年和2010年(联合政府中)赢得多数席位。其核心选民包括老年选民、房主、中上阶层以及居住在农村和英格兰郊区的居民。该党最可靠的地区是东南部、西南部和东英格兰,并且自2016年脱欧公投以来,它在”红墙”席位——即历史上投票给工党但支持脱欧的中部和北部选区——取得了重大突破。
Labour’s traditional electoral coalition rests on the trade unionised working class, ethnic minorities, public sector professionals, and younger metropolitan voters. Its heartlands have been in Scotland (until 2015), northern England, Wales, and large cities like London. The 2019 general election exposed a weakening of this coalition, as older working-class voters defected over Brexit and leadership concerns, while younger, Remain-leaning, university-educated voters continued to support the party. The shifting demographics present both parties with challenges of realignment.
工党的传统选举联盟依赖加入工会的工人阶级、少数族裔、公共部门专业人士和年轻的大都市选民。其心脏地带曾包括苏格兰(直到2015年)、北英格兰、威尔士和像伦敦这样的大城市。2019年大选暴露了这一联盟的弱化,因为年长的工人阶级选民因脱欧和领袖问题而倒戈,而较年轻的、倾向留欧、受过大学教育的选民继续支持该党。人口的变动给两党都带来了重新结盟的挑战。
6. Factionalism within Parties | 党内的派系斗争
No established party is monolithic. The Conservatives contain the Conservative Growth Group (Thatcherite), the One Nation caucus (moderate/paternalistic), and more recently populist nationalist factions like the European Research Group. These groupings coalesce around policy themes: the ERG pushed hard for a hard Brexit, while the One Nation group often opposes tax cuts that endanger public services and the rule of law. Leadership contests frequently become proxy battles between these ideological clans.
没有一个建制政党是铁板一块。保守党内部包含保守党增长小组(撒切尔主义)、一国核心小组(温和/父爱主义)以及近来的民粹民族主义派别,如欧洲研究小组。这些团体围绕着政策议题而聚合:欧洲研究小组竭力推动硬脱欧,而一国团体常常反对那些危及公共服务和法治的减税措施。领袖角逐经常成为这些意识形态宗族之间的代理人战争。
Labour’s factions are equally pronounced. The Socialist Campaign Group on the left advocates for public ownership, wealth redistribution, and anti-austerity politics. The centre-left, often associated with Labour First or Progress (now defunct), supports a more market-friendly, Atlanticist orientation. Momentum, a grassroots movement, was instrumental in Corbyn’s ascendancy and promotes a participatory, democratic socialist platform. The persistent friction between parliamentarians and the wider membership has at times rendered the party ungovernable, as seen during the Corbyn era and the subsequent leadership of Keir Starmer, who has attempted to restore party discipline and weaken the left faction.
工党的派系同样显著。左翼的社会主义竞选小组倡导公有化、财富再分配和反紧缩政治。中左翼,常与工党第一或进步党(现已解散)联系在一起,支持更亲市场、大西洋主义的方向。草根运动”动力”在科尔宾的崛起中起到了关键作用,并推广一种参与式的民主社会主义平台。议员和更广泛党员之间持续的摩擦有时导致党难以治理,正如科尔宾时代以及后继的基尔·斯塔默的领导时期所见,斯塔默试图恢复党的纪律并削弱左翼派系。
7. Policy Positions: Economy and Welfare | 政策立场:经济与福利
Conservative economic policy has, since the 1980s, been anchored in market liberalism: prioritising low inflation (mandated to the Bank of England), fiscal conservatism (‘sound money’), and lighter regulation. Income tax cuts and raising personal allowances have been flagship policies, along with the reduction of corporation tax to attract investment (from 28% in 2010 down to 19% in 2023). On welfare, the party has implemented Universal Credit to simplify benefits and incentivise work, while capping overall welfare spending. Critics argue these measures have increased child poverty and food bank reliance.
自20世纪80年代以来,保守党的经济政策一直锚定在市场自由主义:优先低通胀(授予英格兰银行职权)、财政保守主义(”稳健货币”)和较少的监管。削减所得税和提高个人免税额一直是旗舰政策,同时降低公司税以吸引投资(从2010年的28%降至2023年的19%)。在福利方面,该党实施了通用福利金以简化津贴并激励工作,同时限制总体福利支出。批评者认为这些措施加剧了儿童贫困和对食物银行的依赖。
Labour’s platform traditionally centres on demand-side management, investment in infrastructure, and progressive taxation. Under Starmer, the party has committed to a ‘green prosperity plan’, a state-owned energy company (Great British Energy), and a strengthening of workers’ rights. It accepts the need for fiscal discipline, a clear shift from Corbyn’s expansive anti-austerity programme. The welfare stance emphasises ending the two-child benefit cap, increasing support for carers, and addressing the housing crisis through mass social housebuilding.
工党的纲领传统上以需求侧管理、基础设施投资和累进税制为中心。在斯塔默的领导下,党已承诺实施”绿色繁荣计划”、国有能源公司(大不列颠能源)以及加强工人权利。它接受财政纪律的必要性,这明显有别于科尔宾的扩张性反紧缩计划。福利立场强调终止二孩津贴限制、增加对护工的支持,并通过大规模社会住房建设来应对住房危机。
8. Policy Positions: Law and Order, and Foreign Affairs | 政策立场:法律与秩序及外交事务
The Conservatives portray themselves as the party of law and order, pledging to increase police numbers (a pledge of 20,000 officers in 2019), introduce longer sentences for violent and sexual offenders, and expand stop-and-search powers. The party’s tough stance on immigration – including a points-based system post-Brexit and the recent Rwanda asylum partnership – underscores a commitment to secure borders and state sovereignty.
保守党将自己描绘为法律与秩序的政党,承诺增加警员数量(2019年承诺增加20,000名警员),对暴力和性犯罪者实行更长的刑期,并扩大截停搜查权力。该党在移民问题上的强硬立场——包括脱欧后的积分制体系和最近的卢旺达庇护伙伴关系——凸显了其对边界安全和国家主权的承诺。
In foreign affairs, the Tories maintain a strong Atlanticist orientation, close ties with the US, and a commitment to NATO and defence spending at 2% of GDP. Labour, by contrast, has oscillated; under Corbyn it was deeply sceptical of military intervention and advocated unilateral nuclear disarmament (a position that proved electorally damaging). Starmer has repositioned Labour as a pro-NATO, steadfastly pro-Ukraine party, explicitly committing to the Trident nuclear deterrent. Both parties support international development spending, though the Conservatives cut the aid budget from 0.7% to 0.5% of GNI in 2021.
在外交事务上,保守党保持着强烈的大西洋主义取向、与美国的紧密关系,以及对北约和将国防开支维持在GDP 2%的承诺。工党则相对摇摆;在科尔宾领导下,它对军事干预深表怀疑并主张单方面核裁军(事实证明这一立场在选举上十分有害)。斯塔默已将工党重新定位为亲北约、坚定不移支持乌克兰的政党,明确承诺维持”三叉戟”核威慑。两党都支持国际发展支出,尽管保守党在2021年将援助预算从GNI的0.7%削减至0.5%。
9. The Parties and Constitutional Reform | 政党与宪政改革
The Conservative Party has historically been a defender of the uncodified British constitution, supporting the monarchy, the House of Lords largely as it is, and parliamentary sovereignty as a bulwark against judicial activism. It opposed proportional representation and regional assemblies, viewing them as threats to the Union and to effective government. However, in government the party has at times enacted significant reform: devolution in Scotland and Wales was opposed by many Tories in 1997 but was later respected as settled will, and the Fixed-term Parliaments Act 2011 (later repealed) altered executive prerogatives.
保守党历来是不成文英国宪法的捍卫者,支持君主制、大体保持原样的上议院,以及作为抵御司法能动主义屏障的议会主权。它反对比例代表制和地区议会,视它们为对联盟和有效政府的威胁。然而,在执政时该党也曾实施重大改革:许多保守党人曾在1997年反对苏格兰和威尔士的权力下放,但后来它被尊重为既定意愿,而2011年的《固定任期议会法》(后来被废除)改变了行政特权。
Labour has been the more ambitious constitutional reformer. The Blair government delivered devolution, the Human Rights Act 1998, freedom of information, and the removal of most hereditary peers from the House of Lords. Some on the left continue to advocate a fully elected second chamber, a written constitution, and further devolution. Keir Starmer has promised to ‘spread power out of Westminster’, proposing a new statutory ‘Take Back Control’ clause to empower local government, though concrete detail remains limited.
工党一直是更具雄心的宪政改革者。布莱尔政府实现了权力下放、1998年《人权法案》、信息自由,以及将大部分世袭贵族从上议院移除。部分左翼人士继续主张一个完全民选的第二院、一部成文宪法以及进一步的权力下放。基尔·斯塔默承诺将”权力从威斯敏斯特分发出去”,提出了一项新的法定“收回控制权”条款以赋权地方政府,尽管具体细节仍然有限。
10. Leadership and the Media | 领导层与媒体
The personalisation of politics has elevated party leaders to the primary representatives of their organisations. The Conservatives have often benefited from their leader’s perceived prime ministerial fitness: Boris Johnson’s electoral appeal in 2019, for example, cut across traditional class lines with a pro-Brexit message. Leadership crises, however, can rapidly undermine an established party’s standing – as seen with Liz Truss’s 49-day tenure, which triggered a financial market panic and tanked Conservative poll ratings.
政治的个性化已将政党领袖提升为其组织的首要代表。保守党经常从其领袖被视作适合担任首相中获益:例如鲍里斯·约翰逊在2019年的选举号召力便以支持脱欧的信息跨越了传统的阶级界限。然而,领导危机能迅速削弱一个建制政党的地位——如利兹·特拉斯49天的任期所见,这引发了金融市场恐慌并使保守党的民调暴跌。
Labour has suffered its own media-driven tribulations. Sections of the predominantly right-wing British press have systematically attacked Labour leaders from Michael Foot to Jeremy Corbyn, portraying them as weak, unpatriotic, or economically incompetent. Starmer has worked to neutralise this vulnerability by adopting a more conventionally patriotic persona and accepting Brexit, but media framing remains a significant electoral variable. Both parties now utilise social media platforms to bypass traditional gatekeepers, though these channels also amplify internal dissent and gaffes.
工党也经历了自身由媒体引发的磨难。以右翼为主的英国报业的部分板块系统性地攻击从迈克尔·福特到杰里米·科尔宾的工党领袖,将他们描绘成软弱、不爱国或经济上无能。斯塔默力图通过采用更传统爱国的人格和接受脱欧来中和这一弱点,但媒体框定仍是重要的选举变量。两党现在都利用社交媒体平台来绕开传统守门人,尽管这些渠道也放大了内部异议和失态。
11. Challenges from Minor Parties and Realignment | 小党挑战与政治重组
Although the established parties dominate the Commons, their reach has been consistently tested by minor parties. The Liberal Democrats have targeted Conservative seats in the South (Chesham and Amersham, Tiverton and Honiton by-elections), while the Scottish National Party (SNP) devastated Labour in Scotland, holding the vast majority of Scottish seats since 2015. The UK Independence Party (UKIP) and later the Brexit Party reshaped the electoral geography, pressuring the Conservatives towards a hard Eurosceptic stance.
尽管建制政党主导下议院,但它们的影响力不断受到小党的考验。自由民主党针对南部保守党席位(切舍姆和阿默舍姆、蒂弗顿和霍尼顿补选),而苏格兰民族党在苏格兰重创工党,自2015年以来占据绝大多数苏格兰席位。英国独立党及后来的脱欧党重塑了选举地理,迫使保守党趋向强硬的疑欧立场。
Britain’s party system has exhibited signs of dealignment and realignment. Class-party linkages have weakened, while values-based cleavages (Leave versus Remain, liberal-cosmopolitan versus communitarian-authoritarian) have reshaped voting patterns. Established parties have responded by repositioning on cultural issues: the Conservatives have leaned harder into sovereignty and traditional values, while Labour champions progressive social causes and minority rights. Whether these responses will arrest the decline of two-party hegemony or accelerate it remains an open question.
英国的政党制度已显现出去结盟和重新结盟的迹象。阶级-政党关联已然弱化,而基于价值观的裂痕(脱欧与留欧、自由世界主义与社群威权主义)已重塑投票模式。建制政党通过在文化议题上重新定位来回应:保守党更深入地诉诸主权和传统价值观,而工党则倡导进步的社会事业和少数群体权利。这些回应是否将阻止或加速两党霸权的衰落,仍然是一个悬而未决的问题。
12. The Future of Established Parties | 建制政党的未来
The resilience of the Conservative and Labour parties should not be underestimated. They possess formidable financial resources, brand recognition, local activist networks, and the capacity to adapt their policy offerings. Even after catastrophic defeats – Labour in 2019, the Conservatives in 1997 and (potentially) 2024 – they are unlikely to disappear, given the structural incentives of the electoral system and the public’s habitual party identification.
保守党和工党的韧性不应被低估。它们拥有强大的财政资源、品牌认知度、地方活动人士网络以及调整其政策产品的能力。即使在灾难性的失败之后——如工党2019年大选、保守党1997年和(可能)2024年大选——考虑到选举制度的结构性激励和公众的惯常政党认同,它们也不太可能消失。
Nonetheless, the coming decades may see further fragmentation. The realignment of the electorate around geographic identity (North versus South, town versus city) and educational divides poses a challenge to the old brokerage model. Both parties face pressures from internal populist movements and external insurgents such as Reform UK. The most likely scenario is one of adaptation: the established parties will continue to govern largely alternately, but with reduced parliamentary majorities, requiring either coalition or confidence-and-supply arrangements. Their ability to manage the resulting fragility will define the next era of British politics.
尽管如此,未来几十年可能会看到进一步的分化。选民围绕地理身份(北部与南部、城镇与城市)和教育差异的重新结盟,对旧的中间人模式构成了挑战。两党都面临着来自内部民粹主义运动和外部叛乱者(如英国改革党)的压力。最可能的情形是适应性持续:建制政党将继续大体上交替执政,但议会多数席位减少,需要依赖联合政府或信任与供给安排。它们治理由此产生的脆弱性的能力将界定英国政治的下一个时代。
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