📚 The Location of Sovereignty in the UK Political System | 英国政治体系中主权的归属
Sovereignty is the ultimate source of legal and political authority within a state. In the United Kingdom, the question of where sovereignty lies is not straightforward. The traditional Diceyan notion of parliamentary sovereignty has been challenged by EU membership, devolution, human rights law, referendums, and the growing assertiveness of the judiciary. This article examines the competing claims to sovereignty in the UK political system and evaluates where effective power now resides.
主权是一个国家内部法律与政治权威的最终来源。在英国，主权究竟归于何处并不是一个简单的问题。传统的戴雪式议会主权观念受到了欧盟成员资格、权力下放、人权法、全民公投以及司法日益自信的挑战。本文考察了英国政治体系中相互竞争的主权主张，并评估实际权力如今究竟位于何处。
The concept of sovereignty can be divided into legal sovereignty and political sovereignty. Legal sovereignty refers to the body that can make, unmake, or amend any law and whose powers are unlimited by legal constraints. Political sovereignty, by contrast, refers to the ultimate source of political authority – where power really lies in practice, often linked to the electorate or public opinion.
主权的概念可以分为法律主权和政治主权。法律主权指的是那个能够制定、废除或修改任何法律的机构，其权力不受法律限制。相比之下，政治主权指政治权威的最终来源——权力在实践中真正归属何处，通常与选民或公众舆论相联系。
| Legal Sovereignty | Political Sovereignty |
|---|---|
| The supreme law-making body | The ultimate political authority in reality |
| In the UK, traditionally Parliament | Often located with the people, exercised through elections and referendums |
| Not bound by its predecessors or successors | Can constrain Parliament through political pressure |
| 法律主权 | 政治主权 |
|---|---|
| 最高立法机构 | 现实中最终的政治权威 |
| 在英国，传统上为议会 | 通常归于人民，通过选举和公投行使 |
| 不受其前任或后任约束 | 可通过政治压力约束议会 |
1. The Traditional Doctrine of Parliamentary Sovereignty | 传统的议会主权学说
The orthodox view, articulated by A.V. Dicey in the late 19th century, holds that Parliament is the supreme legal authority in the UK. Parliament can make or repeal any law whatsoever, and no person or body, including the courts, can override or set aside an Act of Parliament. This means that legal sovereignty lies solely with the ‘Crown-in-Parliament’ – the House of Commons, the House of Lords, and the monarch acting together.
19世纪末由戴雪阐述的正统观点认为，议会是英国最高的法律权威。议会可以制定或废除任何法律，没有任何个人或机构，包括法院，能够推翻或搁置议会法案。这意味着法律主权完全属于“议会中的君主”——下议院、上议院和君主共同行使。
Under this doctrine, no Parliament can bind its successors, ensuring that every newly elected House of Commons has the same unlimited legislative authority. This principle remains the foundation of the UK constitution, even though it has been modified by subsequent developments.
在这一学说下，没有任何一届议会可以约束其后任，确保每一届新当选的下议院拥有相同的不受限制的立法权威。该原则依然是英国宪法的基础，尽管它已被后来的发展所修正。
2. Membership of the European Union and the Challenge to Parliamentary Sovereignty | 欧盟成员资格及其对议会主权的挑战
From 1973 until Brexit, EU membership posed the most significant legal challenge to parliamentary sovereignty. The European Communities Act 1972 gave effect to EU law in the UK, meaning that European law took precedence over domestic legislation in areas of EU competence. The doctrine of direct effect and the supremacy of EU law, upheld by the European Court of Justice, meant that UK courts could disapply Acts of Parliament that conflicted with EU law.
从1973年至脱欧期间，欧盟成员资格对议会主权构成了最重大的法律挑战。1972年《欧洲共同体法》在联合王国赋予欧盟法律效力，意味着在欧盟权能范围内，欧洲法律优先于国内立法。由欧洲法院维护的直接效力原则和欧盟法至上原则，意味着英国法院可以不予适用与欧盟法冲突的议会法案。
The landmark Factortame case (1990-91) illustrated this clearly: the House of Lords was forced to suspend the Merchant Shipping Act 1988 because it discriminated against Spanish fishermen in breach of EU law. For the first time, a UK court had set aside primary legislation. Some argued that legal sovereignty had been transferred to the EU level, but others maintained that Parliament retained the ultimate ability to repeal the 1972 Act and withdraw from the EU – as it eventually did with the European Union (Withdrawal) Act 2018.
标志性的法克特泰姆案（1990-91年）清楚地说明了这一点：上议院被迫搁置《1988年商船法》，因为它歧视西班牙渔民，违反了欧盟法。这是英国法院首次搁置初级立法。一些人认为法律主权已转移至欧盟层面，但另一些人坚持认为议会保留了最终废除1972年法案并退出欧盟的能力——正如它最终通过《2018年欧洲联盟（退出）法》所做的那样。
The Brexit process in many ways reinforced the traditional Diceyan view: a sovereign Parliament passed legislation to hold a referendum and then to leave the EU, reasserting its legal supremacy. However, the process also highlighted the growing role of political sovereignty through the 2016 referendum, where the people’s decision directly determined the constitutional direction.
脱欧进程在许多方面强化了传统的戴雪式观点：一个主权的议会通过了举行公投然后退出欧盟的立法，重新申明了其法律至上地位。然而，该过程也凸显了通过2016年公投增长的政治主权作用，人民的决定直接决定了宪政方向。
3. Devolution and the Dispersal of Sovereignty | 权力下放与主权的分散
Devolution to Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland since 1998 has created sub-national legislatures with significant primary law-making powers. The Scotland Act 1998, for example, gives the Scottish Parliament authority over many domestic policy areas, though Westminster retains sovereignty in law and could theoretically abolish the devolved institutions. However, the Sewel Convention, now partly codified in statute, states that the UK Parliament will not normally legislate on devolved matters without the consent of the devolved legislature.
自1998年以来对苏格兰、威尔士和北爱尔兰的权力下放，建立了拥有重要初级立法权力的次国家立法机构。例如，《1998年苏格兰法》赋予苏格兰议会在许多国内政策领域的权力，尽管威斯敏斯特在法律上保留主权，理论上可以废除下放机构。然而，如今部分法典化的塞维尔惯例规定，联合王国议会通常不会在未获得下放立法机构同意的情况下就下放事务进行立法。
In practice, this has created a quasi-federal arrangement where political sovereignty is shared. Although Westminster remains legally sovereign, the political reality is that it would be extremely difficult to revoke devolution without provoking a constitutional crisis, particularly given the strong popular mandate for devolved institutions in Scotland and Wales. Thus, sovereignty has become more diffused than the pure Diceyan model suggests.
在实践中，这创造了一种准联邦的安排，政治主权被分享。尽管威斯敏斯特在法律上保持主权，但政治现实是，撤销权力下放极其困难，会引发宪政危机，尤其考虑到苏格兰和威尔士下放机构拥有的强大民众授权。因此，主权变得比纯粹的戴雪模型所暗示的更加分散。
4. The Human Rights Act 1998 and Judicial Review | 《1998年人权法》与司法审查
The Human Rights Act 1998 (HRA) incorporated the European Convention on Human Rights into UK law, giving courts the power to issue a ‘declaration of incompatibility’ if primary legislation breaches Convention rights. While this declaration does not strike down the offending Act, it places significant political pressure on Parliament to amend the law. The HRA also requires courts to interpret legislation, wherever possible, in a way compatible with Convention rights, which has expanded judicial influence.
《1998年人权法》将《欧洲人权公约》纳入联合王国法律，赋予法院在初级立法违反公约权利时发布“不一致声明”的权力。尽管该声明不能推翻冒犯性的法案，但它对议会施加了重大政治压力，要求其修改法律。该法还要求法院尽可能以符合公约权利的方式解释立法，这扩大了司法的影响力。
Judicial review has grown in scope, and the judiciary is increasingly seen as a check on executive and legislative power. The Supreme Court’s ruling in R (Miller) v Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union (2017) demonstrated that courts could determine the limits of executive power and require Parliament to legislate before triggering Article 50. This suggests that legal sovereignty is now constrained not just by EU law (before Brexit) but also by domestic judicial guardianship of constitutional principles.
司法审查的范围已经扩大，司法机构越来越被视为对行政权和立法权的制约。最高法院在“米勒诉脱欧事务大臣案”（2017年）中的裁决表明，法院可以决定行政权力的界限，并要求议会在启动第50条之前立法。这表明法律主权现在不仅被欧盟法（脱欧前）所约束，也被国内司法对宪法原则的守护所约束。
5. The Rise of Referendums and Popular Sovereignty | 公投的兴起与人民主权
Since the 1970s, referendums have been used increasingly to decide major constitutional questions, including EU membership, devolution, and the electoral system. The 2016 Brexit referendum, though technically advisory, was treated as politically binding. The outcome created an irresistible political mandate that Parliament felt compelled to implement, even though many MPs personally opposed leaving the EU.
自20世纪70年代以来，公投越来越多地被用于决定重大的宪法问题，包括欧盟成员资格、权力下放以及选举制度。2016年的脱欧公投尽管在法律上为咨询性质，但在政治上被视作具有约束力。其结果产生了一个不可抗拒的政治授权，议会感到必须予以实施，尽管许多议员个人反对脱离欧盟。
This development has led some to argue that the UK has moved from a purely parliamentary sovereignty model towards a ‘popular sovereignty’ model, especially in moments of direct democratic decision-making. The people, when consulted through a referendum, appear to exercise a higher political authority than Parliament. However, referendums remain a mechanism created and regulated by Parliament, so they do not legally displace parliamentary sovereignty.
这一发展导致一些人认为，英国已从纯粹的议会主权模式转向了一种“人民主权”模式，尤其是在直接民主决策的时刻。当人民通过公投被征询意见时，似乎行使着高于议会的政治权威。然而，公投依然是由议会创设和规制的机制，因此在法律上并不取代议会主权。
6. The Supreme Court as Guardian of the Constitution | 最高法院作为宪法的守护者
The creation of the Supreme Court in 2009, replacing the Appellate Committee of the House of Lords, gave the UK a more visibly independent highest court. The Supreme Court has taken an active role in delineating the boundaries of the constitution, most notably in the two Miller cases. The 2017 case affirmed that the government could not use prerogative power to trigger Brexit without parliamentary approval; the 2019 case ruled that Boris Johnson’s prorogation of Parliament was unlawful.
2009年最高法院的建立，取代了上议院上诉委员会，使英国拥有了一个更明显独立的最高司法机构。最高法院在界定宪法边界方面发挥了积极作用，最显著的是两起米勒案。2017年的案件确认，政府不得未经议会批准使用特权权力启动脱欧；2019年的案件裁定鲍里斯·约翰逊让议会休会的行为不合法。
These judgments confirm that while Parliament remains legally sovereign, the courts now interpret and enforce fundamental constitutional principles such as parliamentary sovereignty itself and the rule of law. In doing so, the judiciary has become a site where legal sovereignty is clarified and, in some views, partially exercised, even if it cannot legislate.
这些判决确认，尽管议会在法律上保持主权，但法院现在解释并执行基本的宪法原则，如议会主权本身和法治。在此过程中，司法机构成为了法律主权得到澄清、并从某些角度看部分行使的场所，即使它不能进行立法。
7. The Monarchy and Ceremonial Sovereignty | 君主制与仪式性主权
Constitutionally, the monarch remains the formal source of legal authority. Royal Assent is still required for bills to become law, and prerogative powers are exercised in the Crown’s name. However, by convention, the monarch acts on ministerial advice and cannot refuse Assent or exercise personal discretion in political matters. The Crown’s role today is largely ceremonial, and any attempt to assert independent sovereign power would provoke a severe constitutional crisis.
在宪法上，君主依然是法律权威的形式来源。法案仍需获得御准才能成为法律，特权权力以君主的名义行使。然而，按照惯例，君主根据大臣的建议行事，不得拒绝御准或在政治事务中行使个人裁量权。如今，君主的角色主要是仪式性的，任何试图行使独立主权权力的行为都将引发严重的宪政危机。
Thus, legal sovereignty is vested in the Crown-in-Parliament, but the active sovereign element is grounded in the elected House of Commons and, ultimately, in the people who elect it. The monarchy represents a symbolic continuity of sovereignty rather than an effective locus of power.
因此，法律主权归属于议会中的君主，但能动的主权要素植根于选举产生的下议院，并最终植根于选举下议院的人民。君主制代表了主权的象征连续性，而不是一个实际的权力中心。
8. The Constitution and the Absence of a Single Sovereign | 宪法与单一主权的缺失
Because the UK has an uncodified constitution drawn from multiple sources, there is no single document that clearly locates sovereignty. Instead, sovereignty emerges from the interaction of statute law, common law, conventions, and authoritative works. This flexibility allows the location of sovereignty to shift over time without a formal constitutional amendment. As a result, sovereignty in the UK is often described as fluid and contested rather than fixed in a single institution.
由于英国拥有一部来源于多种来源的不成文宪法，没有一份单一的文件清晰地标明主权所在。相反，主权产生于成文法、普通法、惯例和权威性著作的相互作用。这种灵活性允许主权的归属随时间推移而变动，无需正式的宪法修正。因此，英国的主权常被描述为流动而富有争议的，而非固定于某一单一机构之内。
This characteristic distinguishes the UK from countries with a codified constitution, such as the United States, where the Constitution is explicitly declared to be the supreme law and sovereignty is notionally vested in ‘We the People’. In the UK, sovereignty remains largely with Parliament but is progressively being shared, checked, and qualified by multiple actors.
这一特征将英国与拥有成文宪法的国家（如美国）区别开来。在美国，宪法被明确宣布为最高法律，主权在名义上归于“我们人民”。在英国，主权大体上仍属于议会，但正逐渐被多个行为者分享、制约和限定。
9. The Impact of International Treaties and Post-Brexit Sovereignty | 国际条约的影响与后脱欧时代的主权
Even after Brexit, international treaties continue to influence domestic sovereignty. Trade agreements, defence pacts, and human rights conventions (like the European Convention on Human Rights, which is separate from the EU) impose obligations that constrain Parliament’s law-making freedom, at least politically. While Parliament can in theory legislate contrary to any treaty obligation, doing so would damage the UK’s international credibility and lead to diplomatic and economic consequences.
即使在脱欧之后，国际条约仍然影响着国内主权。贸易协议、防务条约和人权公约（如独立于欧盟的《欧洲人权公约》）施加的义务，至少在政治上制约了议会的立法自由。尽管议会理论上可以立法违背任何条约义务，但这样做会损害联合王国的国际信誉，并导致外交和经济后果。
Thus, the practical location of sovereignty must be understood not only in domestic legal terms but also within the constraints of globalised politics. The post-Brexit slogan of ‘taking back control’ reflected a desire to repatriate legal sovereignty to Westminster, but the complex interdependencies of the modern world mean that no state can exercise absolute sovereignty in isolation.
因此，主权的实际归属不仅必须从国内法律角度理解，还要放在全球化政治的约束之中。后脱欧时代“夺回控制权”的口号反映了将法律主权收回威斯敏斯特的愿望，但现代世界的复杂相互依赖意味着，没有哪个国家可以孤立地行使绝对主权。
10. Conclusion: A Quasi-Federal, Multi-Layered Sovereignty | 结论：准联邦的、多层次的主权
The location of sovereignty in the UK political system is best described as layered and contested. Legal sovereignty remains formally with Parliament, but that very Parliament has voluntarily limited its own supremacy by incorporating EU law, devolving power, and embedding human rights norms. Politically, sovereignty increasingly appears to reside with the people, expressed through elections and referendums, while judicial institutions play a growing role in policing the constitutional boundaries.
英国政治体系中主权的归属，最好被描述为多层次且充满争议的。法律主权在形式上依然归于议会，但正是这个议会自愿地通过纳入欧盟法、下放权力和嵌入人权规范限制了自己的至上地位。在政治上，主权似乎日益归于人民，通过选举和公投表现出来，而司法机构在维护宪法边界方面扮演着越来越重要的角色。
Instead of a single, indivisible sovereign, the United Kingdom now exhibits a quasi-federal arrangement in which sovereignty is dispersed across multiple centres of authority. The pure Diceyan model has been fundamentally altered, but not replaced by a new settled constitutional order. As a result, the debate over where sovereignty ultimately lies remains one of the most dynamic and fundamental questions in British politics.
英国如今展现的并不是一个单一、不可分割的主权者，而是一种准联邦的安排，主权分散于多个权力中心。纯粹的戴雪模型已被根本性地改变，但并未被一个新的稳定的宪政秩序所取代。因此，关于主权最终归于何处的争论，依然是英国政治中最具活力和最根本的问题之一。
Published by TutorHao | Politics Revision Series | aleveler.com
更多咨询请联系16621398022（同微信）
屏轩国际教育cambridge primary/secondary checkpoint, cat4, ukiset,ukcat,igcse,alevel,PAT,STEP,MAT, ibdp,ap,ssat,sat,sat2课程辅导，国外大学本科硕士研究生博士课程论文辅导