📚 Limitations on Presidential Power and Why This Varies | 美国总统权力的限制及其变化原因
The president of the United States is often described as the most powerful elected leader in the world, but that power is never absolute. The US Constitution deliberately fragments authority among the three branches of government, and a wide range of political, legal and social factors further limit what a president can achieve. This article explains the main formal and informal limitations on presidential power and analyses why the strength of these limitations varies from one presidency to another.
美国总统常被称为世界上权力最大的民选领导人，但这种权力从来不是绝对的。美国宪法有意将权力分散到政府的三个分支之间，而广泛的政治、法律和社会因素进一步限制了总统能够实现的目标。本文解释了对总统权力的主要正式与非正式限制，并分析为什么这些限制的强度会因总统不同而变化。
1. Constitutional Checks and Balances | 宪法制衡机制
The most fundamental limits on presidential power are written into the Constitution. Article I gives Congress the power to make laws, declare war, raise taxes and control government spending, while Article II grants the president only the power to execute the laws faithfully. The framers intentionally designed this separation of powers so that no single branch, especially the presidency, could dominate the political system.
对总统权力最根本的限制写入了宪法。第一条赋予国会制定法律、宣战、征税和控制政府开支的权力，而第二条只授予总统忠实执行法律的权力。制宪者有意设计这种权力分立，使任何一个分支——尤其是总统职位——都无法支配政治体系。
In addition, the president’s veto power is not absolute. Congress can override a presidential veto with a two-thirds majority in both the House of Representatives and the Senate. Treaties signed by the president require ratification by a two-thirds vote in the Senate, and senior appointments such as cabinet secretaries, ambassadors and federal judges must be confirmed by the Senate. These constitutional requirements mean that presidents cannot act alone on many major decisions.
此外，总统的否决权也不是绝对的。国会可以以众议院和参议院各三分之二的多数推翻总统否决。总统签署的条约需要参议院三分之二票数批准，内阁部长、大使和联邦法官等高级任命也必须由参议院确认。这些宪法要求意味着总统在许多重大决策上不能单独行动。
2. Congressional Oversight and the Power of the Purse | 国会的监督与财政权
Congress does not simply pass laws; it also monitors how the executive branch implements them. Congressional committees hold hearings, summon officials and investigate alleged misconduct. High-profile investigations, such as the Watergate hearings in the 1970s or the impeachment inquiries into Presidents Clinton and Trump, demonstrate how Congress can expose wrongdoing and weaken a president politically.
国会不仅通过法律，还监督行政部门如何执行法律。国会各委员会举行听证会、传唤官员并调查被指控的不当行为。20世纪70年代的水门事件听证会以及对克林顿总统和特朗普总统的弹劾调查等备受关注的调查表明，国会能够揭露不当行为并在政治上削弱总统。
Even more importantly, Congress controls the federal budget through its power of the purse. Every year, the president proposes a budget, but Congress decides what to fund and at what level. If Congress refuses to appropriate money for a presidential initiative, that initiative cannot proceed. This financial control is one of the strongest practical limitations on presidential power because it applies to almost every domestic policy priority.
更重要的是，国会通过财政权控制联邦预算。总统每年提出预算，但由国会决定资助什么以及资助多少。如果国会拒绝为总统的某项计划拨款，该计划就无法推进。这种财政控制是对总统权力最有力的实际限制之一，因为它几乎适用于所有国内政策优先事项。
3. Judicial Review and the Supreme Court | 司法审查与最高法院
The federal judiciary, headed by the Supreme Court, can declare presidential actions unconstitutional. This power of judicial review was established in the landmark case Marbury v. Madison (1803) and has been used many times to check the executive branch. For example, in United States v. Nixon (1974), the Supreme Court ordered President Nixon to release the Watergate tapes, rejecting his claim of absolute executive privilege.
以最高法院为首的联邦司法部门可以宣布总统行为违宪。这一司法审查权是在里程碑案件马伯里诉麦迪逊案（1803年）中确立的，并多次被用来制约行政部门。例如，在美国诉尼克松案（1974年）中，最高法院命令尼克松总统交出白宫录音带，驳回了其绝对行政特权的说法。
Presidents often worry about how the courts will react to executive orders, agency regulations and national security measures. The Supreme Court’s rulings can strike down a president’s flagship policies, as happened when the Court rejected parts of Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal in the 1930s or when it limited President Obama’s use of recess appointments in 2014. Although the president appoints federal judges, once confirmed they serve for life and are independent of the executive branch.
总统们常常担心法院会如何回应行政命令、机构规章和国家安全措施。最高法院的裁决可以推翻总统的核心政策，例如20世纪30年代最高法院否决了富兰克林·罗斯福新政的部分内容，或2014年限制奥巴马总统使用休会任命权。虽然总统任命联邦法官，但一旦确认，法官终身任职，独立于行政部门。
4. Federalism and State Powers | 联邦制与州权
The United States has a federal system in which power is divided between the national government and the fifty states. The Tenth Amendment reserves all powers not delegated to the federal government to the states or the people. This means that many policy areas, such as education, public health, policing and election administration, are primarily controlled at state and local level, not by the president.
美国实行联邦制，权力在国家政府和五十个州之间划分。第十修正案将所有未授予联邦政府的权力保留给各州或人民。这意味着教育、公共卫生、警务和选举管理等许多政策领域主要由州和地方层面控制，而不是由总统控制。
State governors and attorneys general frequently challenge presidential policies in court or refuse to cooperate with federal programmes. During the COVID-19 pandemic, for example, state governments made many key decisions about lockdowns, school closures and vaccine distribution, often ignoring or contradicting presidential guidance. This structural division of authority places a permanent constitutional limit on presidential reach.
各州州长和检察长经常在法庭上挑战总统政策，或拒绝配合联邦计划。例如，在新冠疫情期间，州政府就封锁、学校关闭和疫苗分配等许多关键决策自行其是，经常忽视或反驳总统的指导。这种结构性的权力划分对总统的影响力构成了永久性的宪法限制。
5. Public Opinion and the Media | 公众舆论与媒体
Presidents depend on public support to persuade Congress, mobilise voters and maintain political legitimacy. When a president’s approval rating falls, members of Congress become less willing to support his agenda because they fear electoral punishment. Low public approval also weakens a president’s ability to bargain with foreign leaders and to pressure interest groups.
总统依赖公众支持来说服国会、动员选民并维持政治合法性。当总统的支持率下降时，国会议员因为担心选票惩罚而不愿支持他的议程。低公众支持率还削弱了总统与外国领导人谈判和向利益集团施压的能力。
The media acts as a watchdog by scrutinising presidential actions, exposing scandals and shaping public perceptions. Investigative journalism, such as the reporting on Watergate or the Iraq War intelligence failures, can dramatically reduce a president’s political capital. In the modern digital age, social media platforms also allow criticism to spread rapidly, making it harder for presidents to control the narrative.
媒体通过审查总统行为、曝光丑闻和塑造公众认知发挥监督作用。调查性新闻报道，例如对水门事件或伊拉克战争情报失误的报道，可以大幅减少总统的政治资本。在现代数字时代，社交媒体平台也使批评迅速传播，使总统更难控制舆论。
6. Interest Groups and Political Parties | 利益集团与政党
Interest groups and advocacy organisations can limit presidential power by mobilising opposition, lobbying Congress and filing lawsuits against executive actions. Groups such as the American Civil Liberties Union, the National Rifle Association and environmental organisations routinely challenge presidential policies in court or run public campaigns to influence opinion.
利益集团和倡导组织可以通过动员反对力量、游说国会和对行政行为提起诉讼来限制总统权力。美国公民自由联盟、全国步枪协会和环保组织等经常在法庭上挑战总统政策，或开展公共运动影响舆论。
Political parties also matter, but not always as a constraint. When the president’s party controls Congress, party discipline can help pass his priorities. However, when factions within the president’s own party disagree with him, or when the opposition party controls one or both chambers, the president’s legislative agenda is severely restricted. Internal party divisions are especially visible during primary challenges and leadership disputes.
政党也很重要，但并不总是作为约束。当总统所在党控制国会时，党纪有助于通过他的优先事项。然而，当总统所属政党内部的派系与他意见相左，或反对党控制一个或两个议院时，总统的立法议程就会受到严重限制。党内分歧在初选挑战和领导权争端中尤为明显。
7. Divided Government and Political Polarisation | 分裂政府与政治极化
The strength of presidential limitations varies significantly depending on whether the same party controls the presidency and Congress. A divided government, in which the opposition party holds at least one chamber, makes it far more difficult for the president to pass legislation, confirm appointments or avoid investigations. For example, presidents Obama, Trump and Biden all faced periods of divided government that frustrated their domestic agendas.
总统所受限制的强度在很大程度上取决于总统和国会是否由同一党派控制。分裂政府是指反对党至少控制一个议院，这使得总统更难通过立法、确认任命或避免调查。例如，奥巴马、特朗普和拜登总统都曾面临分裂政府的时期，这阻碍了他们的国内议程。
Political polarisation has made divided government even more consequential. As Democrats and Republicans have become more ideologically distinct and hostile to each other, bipartisan compromise has declined. This means that when the president’s party does not control both chambers, gridlock is more likely, and the president may turn to unilateral tools such as executive orders precisely because legislative action is blocked.
政治极化使分裂政府的影响更加重大。随着民主党与共和党在意识形态上更加对立且彼此敌视，两党妥协减少。这意味着当总统所在党不能控制两院时，更可能出现僵局，而总统恰恰因为立法行动受阻而转向行政命令等单边工具。
8. Crisis, War and Emergency Powers | 危机、战争与紧急权力
Limits on presidential power are not constant; they tend to weaken during national emergencies. In times of war, economic crisis or terrorism, Congress and the public often defer to the president because they want swift and decisive action. Presidents such as Lincoln during the Civil War, Roosevelt during the Great Depression and George W. Bush after 9/11 significantly expanded executive authority in ways that would be unacceptable in normal times.
对总统权力的限制并非恒定不变，在国家紧急状态下往往会减弱。在战争、经济危机或恐怖主义时期，国会和公众常常顺从总统，因为他们希望迅速果断地采取行动。林肯在内战期间、罗斯福在大萧条时期以及小布什在9/11事件之后都大幅扩展了行政权力，这在正常时期是不可接受的。
However, these expansions are often temporary. Once the crisis passes, Congress and the courts frequently reassert their authority, as happened after the Vietnam War with the War Powers Resolution (1973) and after the post-9/11 surveillance revelations with reforms to national security laws. The variation here is driven by the level of perceived threat: the greater the threat, the weaker the immediate constraints.
然而，这些权力扩张往往是暂时的。危机过后，国会和法院经常会重新行使权力，如越战后的《战争权力决议案》（1973年）以及9/11后监控丑闻曝光后国家安全法的改革。这种变化由感知到的威胁程度驱动：威胁越大，眼前的限制就越弱。
9. Presidential Personality and Leadership Style | 总统个性与领导风格
Individual presidents interpret their constitutional role differently, which affects how constrained they feel. Some presidents, such as Theodore Roosevelt and Lyndon Johnson, adopted an expansive view of executive power, while others, such as Calvin Coolidge or Jimmy Carter, were more cautious. A president who is willing to test the limits through executive orders or military action may face more resistance from Congress and the courts.
不同的总统对其宪法角色有不同的理解，这影响了他们感受到的限制程度。西奥多·罗斯福和林登·约翰逊等总统持扩张性的行政权观点，而加尔文·柯立芝或吉米·卡特则更谨慎。愿意通过行政命令或军事行动试探权力边界的总统，可能会面临国会和法院更多的抵制。
Leadership style also includes a president’s ability to bargain, persuade and communicate. Presidents with strong public speaking skills and high approval ratings, such as Ronald Reagan, could pressure Congress even when facing a divided government. In contrast, presidents with poor communication skills or low popularity, such as George H.W. Bush in 1992 or Trump during parts of his term, found their power more limited.
领导风格还包括总统讨价还价、说服和沟通的能力。具有出色演讲能力和高支持率的总统，如罗纳德·里根，即使在分裂政府时期也能向国会施压。相比之下，沟通能力差或支持率低的总统，如1992年的老布什或特朗普任期内的部分时期，就会发现自己的权力更受限制。
10. Historical and Temporal Variation | 历史与时代差异
Over time, the balance of power between the president and other institutions has shifted. The modern presidency is generally considered stronger than the nineteenth-century presidency because of the growth of the federal bureaucracy, the United States’ role as a global superpower, and the mass media’s focus on the president as a national leader. Yet within this trend, the practical limits on any given president vary with the political environment.
随着时间的推移，总统与其他机构之间的权力平衡发生了变化。由于联邦官僚机构的发展、美国作为全球超级大国的角色以及大众媒体将总统作为国家领导人来聚焦，现代总统制通常被认为比19世纪的总统制更强大。然而在这一趋势中，任何一位总统所面临的实际限制仍会随政治环境而变化。
Several variables explain this temporal variation: the composition of Congress, the state of the economy, whether the country is at war, the president’s popularity, and the intensity of partisanship. For example, a president elected in a landslide with large congressional majorities, such as Lyndon Johnson in 1964, can achieve far more than a president elected by a narrow margin with an opposition Congress. The same office, but very different levels of constraint.
几个变量可以解释这种时代差异：国会的组成、经济状况、国家是否处于战争状态、总统的受欢迎程度以及党派斗争的激烈程度。例如，以压倒性优势当选并在国会拥有大量多数席位的总统，如1964年的林登·约翰逊，可以比以微弱优势当选且面对反对党国会的总统完成更多事情。同样的职位，但受限制的程度却大不相同。
| Variable | Effect on presidential power |
| Divided government | Limits legislation and appointments; increases oversight |
| National crisis | Expands presidential power temporarily |
| High approval rating | Strengthens bargaining power with Congress |
| Political polarisation | Reduces bipartisan compromise, increases gridlock |
| Unified government | Eases legislative passage but may reduce internal checks |
This table summarises the key factors that explain why the limits on presidential power are not fixed but fluctuate according to circumstances.
该表格总结了关键因素，说明为什么对总统权力的限制不是固定的，而是随情况而波动。
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