📚 How Referendums Have Been Used and Their Impact on UK Political Life Since 1997 | 1997年以来英国公投的运用及其对政治生活的影响
Since 1997, referendums have become a central feature of UK constitutional politics, moving from rare exceptional events to frequent instruments of direct democracy. They have been used to legitimise devolution, decide electoral reform, test Scottish independence, and ultimately determine the UK’s relationship with the European Union. This article examines how referendums have been used since 1997 and assesses their impact on UK political life.
自1997年以来,公投已成为英国宪政政治的核心特征,从罕见的例外事件转变为频繁使用的直接民主工具。公投被用来赋予权力下放以合法性、决定选举制度改革、检验苏格兰独立,并最终决定英国与欧盟的关系。本文考察1997年以来公投的运用方式,并评估其对英国政治生活的影响。
1. The Rise of the Referendum After 1997 | 1997年后公投的兴起
Before 1997, referendums in the UK were rare. The only UK-wide referendum had been held in 1975 on membership of the European Economic Community, while devolution referendums in Scotland and Wales in 1979 failed to meet the required thresholds. Under Tony Blair, New Labour deliberately adopted referendums as part of a wider programme of constitutional reform, using them to legitimise changes such as devolution, regional government, and directly elected mayors.
1997年之前,英国的公投十分罕见。唯一的全国性公投是1975年关于欧洲经济共同体成员身份的公投,而1979年苏格兰和威尔士的权力下放公投未能达到规定门槛。在托尼·布莱尔领导下,新工党有意将公投作为更广泛宪政改革计划的一部分,用其为权力下放、地区政府和直选市长等变革提供合法性。
Since 1997, the UK has held a series of major referendums, including the 1997 Scottish and Welsh devolution referendums, the 1998 Northern Ireland and London referendums, the 2004 North East England regional assembly referendum, the 2011 Alternative Vote referendum, the 2011 Welsh law-making powers referendum, the 2014 Scottish independence referendum, and the 2016 EU membership referendum. This frequency signals a shift from a purely representative democracy towards a more hybrid model in which direct popular votes sit alongside parliamentary decision-making.
自1997年以来,英国举行了一系列重要公投,包括1997年苏格兰和威尔士权力下放公投、1998年北爱尔兰和伦敦公投、2004年英格兰东北部地区议会公投、2011年替代投票制公投、2011年威尔士立法权公投、2014年苏格兰独立公投以及2016年欧盟成员身份公投。这种频率表明英国正从纯粹的代议制民主转向一种混合模式,即直接民众投票与议会决策并存。
| Referendum / 公投 | Year / 年份 | Result / 结果 | Turnout / 投票率 |
|---|---|---|---|
| Scottish devolution / 苏格兰权力下放 | 1997 | Yes 74.3% / 赞成 74.3% | 60.4% |
| Welsh devolution / 威尔士权力下放 | 1997 | Yes 50.3% / 赞成 50.3% | 50.1% |
| Northern Ireland Good Friday Agreement / 北爱尔兰《贝尔法斯特协议》 | 1998 | Yes 71.1% / 赞成 71.1% | 81.0% |
| Greater London Authority / 大伦敦政府 | 1998 | Yes 72.0% / 赞成 72.0% | 34.1% |
| North East England regional assembly / 英格兰东北部地区议会 | 2004 | No 77.9% / 反对 77.9% | 47.7% |
| Alternative Vote / 替代投票制 | 2011 | No 67.9% / 反对 67.9% | 42.2% |
| Welsh law-making powers / 威尔士立法权 | 2011 | Yes 63.5% / 赞成 63.5% | 35.6% |
| Scottish independence / 苏格兰独立 | 2014 | No 55.3% / 反对 55.3% | 84.6% |
| EU membership / 欧盟成员身份 | 2016 | Leave 51.9% / 脱欧 51.9% | 72.2% |
2. Devolution Referendums Under New Labour | 新工党时期的权力下放公投
The 1997 Scottish devolution referendum asked two questions: whether there should be a Scottish Parliament, and whether that Parliament should have tax-varying powers. The result was a clear endorsement, with 74.3% voting yes to a Parliament and 63.5% supporting tax-varying powers on a 60.4% turnout. This strong popular mandate gave the Scotland Act 1998 considerable democratic legitimacy.
1997年苏格兰权力下放公投提出两个问题:是否应该设立苏格兰议会,以及该议会是否应拥有税收调整权。公投结果明确支持权力下放,74.3%的投票者赞成设立议会,63.5%支持税收调整权,投票率为60.4%。这一强有力的民众授权使《1998年苏格兰法》获得了高度的民主合法性。
By contrast, the 1997 Welsh devolution referendum was extremely close. Only 50.3% voted in favour of a Welsh Assembly on a turnout of just 50.1%, revealing much weaker public demand in Wales. The 1998 Northern Ireland referendum on the Good Friday Agreement produced a strong result, with 71.1% voting yes on an 81% turnout, demonstrating broad cross-community support for the peace settlement.
相比之下,1997年威尔士权力下放公投的结果极为接近。仅50.3%的投票者赞成设立威尔士议会,投票率也仅为50.1%,这表明威尔士民众对权力下放的需求要弱得多。1998年北爱尔兰就《贝尔法斯特协议》举行的公投则产生了强有力的结果,71.1%的投票者赞成,投票率为81%,体现了和平协议的广泛跨社区支持。
3. Regional and Local Referendums: Successes and Failures | 地区与地方公投:成功与失败
The 1998 Greater London Authority referendum approved the creation of an elected Mayor and a London Assembly with 72% voting yes. However, turnout was only 34.1%, which raised questions about the depth of public engagement. The 2004 North East England referendum rejected an elected regional assembly by 77.9% to 22.1% on a 47.7% turnout, effectively ending New Labour’s English regional devolution agenda.
1998年大伦敦政府公投以72%的赞成票批准设立直选市长和伦敦议会。然而,投票率仅为34.1%,这引发了公众参与程度不足的质疑。2004年英格兰东北部公投以77.9%反对、22.1%赞成的结果否决了直选地区议会,投票率为47.7%,实际上终结了新工党在英格兰的地区权力下放议程。
These contrasting results demonstrate that referendums can both authorise and block constitutional change. Low turnout in London weakened the claim that referendums automatically enhance democratic legitimacy, while the decisive North East ‘no’ vote showed their capacity to halt elite-led constitutional reform when local voters are not persuaded of its benefits.
这些对比鲜明结果表明,公投既可以授权也可以阻止宪政变革。伦敦公投的低投票率削弱了公投自动增强民主合法性的说法,而东北部明确的反对票则表明,当地方选民不认可改革的好处时,公投有能力阻止精英主导的宪政变革。
4. The 2011
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